Burma: The Return of an Outrageous Cry

by  Zin Linn

Before opening a preliminary page, the dialogue between the junta and the 1991 Nobel Peace PrizeLaureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has come to a standstill. With the help of Mr. Razali Ismail, the UN secretary general's special envoy to Burma, there was a glimmer of hope for political talks took place secretly
between the junta and its opposition party in October 2000.

"There has been no substantive contact since she has been released on 6 May in 2002," said one Western diplomat in Yangon. "The process has stalled, the generals are very entrenched. It is possible that nothing takes place for months, years even." An Asian diplomat concurred: "There is a kind of emptiness in their relations, clearly an impasse".

For Yangon-based observers, the explanation for the stagnation lies with Senior General Than Shwe, the regime's number one, who has maintained his absolute grip on total political and military power.

"The reason is Than Shwe. Than Shwe is the big obstacle," said one Western diplomat. "He is not prepared to go ahead with it, this is increasingly clear."

In last week of March, the UN Special Rapporteur, Mr. Paulo Sergio Pinheiro cut short his fifth visit to Rangoon, after finding a bugging device under the table, during an interview with political prisoners namely U Nine Nine (NLD MP) and Thet Naung Soe (Law Final Student). Later he told reporters in Bangkok that he was frustrated by the slow progress over both reconciliation dialogue and release of political prisoners. He said that the regime is still seems to be reluctant to enter into a political dialogue with the opposition party.

"I think it's going nowhere," he said curtly. When he commented about action to initiate political dialogue, he said, "The impression I got from all sides is, there's no progress."

The U.N. Special Rapporteur said Burma's political reforms are going simply too slowly. He also said, to speed up change, all political prisoners must be freed.

"I think there is no excuse to delay the unconditional and immediate release of political prisoners. It's very difficult to have a political dialogue - national reconciliation - with hundreds of political prisoners behind bars. It's necessary that the government take some bold steps to release these prisoners," Mr. Pinheiro spoke to VOA in Bangkok on 26 March, after cutting short his visit to Burma.

Currently, the SPDC turned a deaf ear to the issue of political prisoners and a political dialogue with the NLD as well. In various prisons, there are lots of evidence that political prisoners got tortures more than criminal offenders. For instance, they appear to be often deliberately sent to remote prisons that makes
family visits very difficult or impossible. On the contrary, sending to remote areas affects prisoners' conditions severely for they depend on family support to sustain themselves in prison. Approximately a hundred political prisoners passed away in the junta's jail.

In addition, there are no privacy at all during family visits. The worst is not allowing to get remissions under existing law. Another source of serious concern is the continued practice of injustice detention of political prisoners beyond the term of their sentence under section 10 (a) of the 1975 State Protection Act. According to a reliable source, there are at least 65 political prisoners in this situation.
(See appendix for details)

Moreover, most of the prisoners of conscience continue to be thrown into solitary confinement which helps damaging not only their physical health but also mentality. Recently, a list of 192 political prisoners who need immediate medical treatment has been sent out through a source closed to prison-quarters.
( See appendix for details)

Mr Pinheiro said the Burmese junta should provide a "friendly environment" and establish a focal point for Non-Governmental Organizations for the benefit of the nation and its people. The UN human rights envoy said Burmese regime should move political reforms forward by releasing all political prisoners.

Although Mr. Pinheiro has been calling for political reforms, there's still a faint hope for change. The junta is thinking about how to take advantage of the present international situation or Iraq-war. It's the nature of the military dictators to buy time as much as they could. According to the Special Rapporteur's comments, the impression from all sides showed no progress. There are some supporting evidence for his comments.

It was on 21st January of this year, Lt-Gen Soe Win who is a member of the ruling State Peace and Development Council stressed that the SPDC not only won’t enter dialogue with the opposition leader but also would never transfer power to the NLD. He also warned the audience to fulfill their responsibilities as dutiful citizens and not to support the NLD. The speech was made at meetings with USDA members, local authorities and civil servants during a series of tour in Prome, Pegu and Bassein. He convincingly assured that there was no military threats against Burma by the United States administration, such as war in Iraq. He also assured that Burma is safe under China's umbrella. Within a few days, on 1st February 2003, he became secretary 2 of the SPDC or the fourth in power of the regime.

It was very recently in the first week of April, the democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her party had been systematically harassed by the military authorities during a visit to Chin State. In Chauk, a town in Magwe Division, the deputy minister for mines U Myint Thein and in Gangaw, another town in Magwe Division, the information minister Brig-Gen Kyaw San together with deputy minister for religious affairs Brid.Gen. Thura Aung Ko threatened the local public not to welcome Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her party.They said that action would be taken against anyone who went to greet her. The ministers also told publicly that the regime neither thinks of talk to the NLD nor hand-over of power to it.

Meanwhile, Burma faced a comprehensive economic crisis with a population of approximately 50 million. Farmers as well as workers are always oppressed under ruthless restrictions and also never allowed to found unions. It's common using forced labor for public works including forced child labor remained a serious problem. The forced use of citizens as porters by SPDC troops remained a common practice together with forced recruitment of child soldiers by the junta . Trafficking of women and girls for the purposes of prostitution is more and more widening and causing higher rates of HIV/AIDS.

Consequently, over 80 % of the population live under the poverty line with an estimation of annual per capita income less than $300. As a result of military dictatorship centralization for forty years, the country had fallen into poverty trap, poor health care, and declining educational levels. Although the country depends on an agricultural economy, it also has substantial mineral, offshore oil and gas fields , fishing , and timber resources. However, due to military-cronyism, mismanagement and corruption has led to rapidly deteriorating the nation's economy.

While the economy was on the verge of collapse, the first signal of protest was made by Dr.Salai Tun Than, a 74 years old retired professor of Agronomy from Yezin University who was arrested in front of Rangoon City hall on 29 November 2001, because of peacefully calling for multi-party general elections within a year and unconditional transfer of power to a winner party. Second signal was raised by Thet Naung Soe and Khin Maung Win who were Law-students and arrested on 18 August 2002, for protesting in front of Rangoon City Hall by holding an NLD flag and calling for dialogue with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The third signal was shown by the two nuns, namely Ma Than Than Htay and Ma Thin Thin Oo, holding flags of Burmese students and a photograph of General Aung San and protested against the junta in front of the City Hall shouting slogans such as '' To lower the price of commodities is our cause '' on 16 January, 2003. The current and fourth protest took place near the British Embassy in downtown Rangoon on April 4,2003. These series of protests are telling the generals that a near future explosion of social unrest is approaching.

Killing 14 years turning a blind eye to political reforms, generals are waiting for the return of an outrageous cry from the people.